Difference between revisions of "Igala Grammar"

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''Main page:'' [[Verbal Elements]]
''Main page:'' [[Verbal Elements]]
= Cognate Objects =
== COs are true arguments of their predicate ==
This is shown by runing tests on the distinction between adjuncts and arguments. One
of these tests is the ’do so test’ It shows that in an example like (1), the noun ’dance’ is
an argument of the verb ’dance’ because ’do so’ functions as a proform for V’: “when do
so is used as a substitute, it must stand for the verb and all its arguments”, (Macfarland
1995:104).
# Examples
'''(1)'''
'''(1a)'''
{| {{table}}
| ū || t(a) || ídō || (u)jɔ̀ || ókō || úbī || mī || ǒchálà || ŋʷɔ̀ || tʃ(e) || ǎlɛ̄ || gɛ
|-
| 1SG || dance(V) || dance(N) || cheerful || farm || back || my || Ochala || and || do || so/same || again
|-
| 'I danced a cheerful dance in my garden and Ochala did so too.' || 
|-
|}
'''(1b)'''
{| {{table}}
| *u || t(a) || ído || (u)jɔ || oko || ubi || mi || Ochala || ŋʷɔ || tʃ(e) || alɛ || ɛdo || dudu/ɛdo || ɛkpabjɛ
|-
| 1SG || dance(V) || dance(N)|| cheerful || farm || back || my || Ochala || and || do || so/same || sad
|-
| Intended: I danced a cheerful dance in the garden and Ochala did so a sad dance. ||
|}
== COs can be modified, including in relative clauses ==
'''(2)'''
{| {{table}}
| u || t(a) || ido || k(i) || a || tʃ(e) || ujɔ
|-
| 1SG || dance(V) || dance(N) || C || IMPF || COP1 || cheerful/joy
|-
| ‘I danced a cheerful dance’ ||
|}
== COs in Igala only occur with unergative verbs, and not with unaccusatives ==
= fV marker =
# it shows up only with transitive verbs;
## it has a meaning similar to perfective;
## it is incompatible with negation;
## it is incompatible with A′
### extraction of any kind (questions, relative clauses);
## it is in complementary distribution with another marker, mV.
== Complete situation ==
The morpheme fV has a perfective meaning and is used to decribe complete situations. It
cannot be used to describe ongoing or habitual situations.
'''(3)'''
{| {{table}}
| ù || f(i) || òdʒ(e) || àba̋tʃà || hì || (mɛ̄)
|-
| 1SG || PERF1 || morsel || cassava || cook || (already)
|-
| 'I have cooked mashed cassava.'
|-
| *I cooked mashed cassava just now.
|-
| *I cooked mashed cassava (habitual).
|-
| *I am cooking mashed cassava.
|}
== Word order with fV ==
One of the most recognizable properties of fV is its influence on word order. The surface
word order in Igala is SVO, including with the progressive and the imperfective markers.
However, in the presence of fV, this is modified. This morpheme appears to surface in the
usual verb slot, while the matrix verb appears sentence-finally.
'''(4a)'''
{| {{table}}
| ù || hʲ || òdʒ(e) || à↑ba̋tʃà
|-
| 1SG || cook || morsel  || cassava
|-
| I cooked mashed cassava.'
|}
'''(4b)'''
{| {{table}}
| ù || f(i) ||  òdʒ(e) || àba̋tʃà || '''hì'''
|-
| 1SG||  PERF1 || morsel || cassava || '''cook'''
|-
| 'I have cooked mashed cassava.'
|}
'''(5a)'''
{| {{table}}
| ú ||  lʲ || ǒhìmìnì
|-
| 1SG || see || ocean
|-
| 'I saw the ocean'
|}
'''(5b)'''
{| {{table}}
| ù || f(i) || òhìmìnì || '''lí'''
|-
|  1SG || PERF1 ||  ocean || '''see'''
|-
| 'I have seen the ocean'
|}
== About fV and the splitting verbs ==
When the verb is split, the first part of the verb is before the object and second part is after
the object, including with the progressive and imperfective aspectual markers.
'''(6b)'''
{| {{table}}
| ù || kpɔ̄ || (ɔ)nà || lɛ́ || fɔ̄
|-
| 1SG || break- || door || DEF.DIST || -break
|-
| 'I broke the door.'
|}
'''(6b)'''
{| {{table}}
| Ǒtʃálā || k(ɔ) || ēlā || lɛ́ || da
|-
| Ochala || cut- || meat || DEF.DIST || -cut
|-
| 'Ochala cut the meat.
|}
'''(7a)'''
{| {{table}}
| otʃala || a || d(u)|| ɔbɛ || k(ɔ)|| ela|| lɛ || da
|-
| Ochala || IPFV || take || knife || cut- || meat || DEF.DIST || -cut
|-
| 'Ochala will take the knife and cut the meat.'
|}
'''(7b)'''
{| {{table}}
| otʃala || na || d(u) || ɔbɛ || k(ɔ) || ela || lɛ || da
|-
| Ochala || PROG || take || knife || cut- || meat || DEF.DIST || -cut
|-
| 'Ochala was cutting the meat with a knife.'
|}
When f(i) is added to a sentence with a split verb, the word order seems to become
SOV.
'''(8a)'''
{| {{table}}
| ū || f(i) || ɔ̌nâ || lɛ̄ || kpɔ̀ || fɔ̄
|-
| 1SG || PERF1 || door || DEF.DIST || break- ||  -break
|-
| 'I have broken the door.'
|}
'''(8b)'''
{| {{table}}
| Ǒtʃálā || f(i) || ela || lɛ || kɔ || da
|-
| Ochala || PERF1 || meat || DEF.DIST || cut- || -cut
|-
| 'Ochala has cut the meat.'
|}
== mV marker ==
In complementary distribution with fV (under unknown conditions - might have something to do with unaccusative/unergative distinction and/or thematic roles).
'''(9)'''
{| {{table}}
|  ù || m(u) || (*f(i)) || őgìgò || mī || dū || tíŋɔ̂
|-
| 1SG || ? || (*PERF1) || glasses || my || take || lost
|-
| I have lost my glasses.'
|}
=tʃɛ/tʃe=
The morphemes ''tʃɛ'' and ''tʃe'' appear as verbal elements in Igala. ''tʃɛ'' adds the meaning that something has already been done to a sentence.
{| {{table}}
|gbɔ̋
|kàkīnī
|ɛ̀
|tʃɛ̀
|wā
|mɛ̂
|-
|1SG
|hear
|C
|2SG
|already
|come
|now
|-
|colspan="7"|‘I heard that you have already come' (D:225).
|}
The morpheme ''tʃe'' is a copular element translated as do/does.
{| {{table}}
|ido
|e
|ta
|tʃe
|ɛŋʷu
|ɔla
|mi
|-
|dance(N)
|NMLZ
|dance(V)
|do
|thing
|body
|1SG.OBJ
|-
|colspan="7"|‘Dancing is my favorite thing (to do)' (D:193).
|}
In certain cases ''tʃ(e)'' seems to note additional emphasis in a situation.
{| {{table}}
|i
|tʃe
|uwɛ
|dʒɛ
|ɔda
|lɛ
|i
|n
|:
|-
|3SG.NEG
|do.EMPH
|2SG.STR
|eat
|pear
|DEF.DIST
|EMPH
|NEG.SFP
|?
|-
|colspan="9"|‘Are you not the one who ate the pear?’(D:?).
|}


=== Noun Phrases ===
=== Noun Phrases ===

Revision as of 12:13, 5 February 2022

Disclaimer

This wiki is currently under construction. The information on this page stems from the research that began with the field methods class taught at the McGill Department of Linguistics in Winter 2021.

Cultural Information

Background Information

Igala, known to the Igala people as “àbó ígálâ [àbóogálâ] in their language” is both an ethnic nationality and language (Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá 2016:1)[1]. Certain cultural groups such as the Bassa people maintain an Igala identity while other groups such as the Inoma or Ebu do not view themselves as Igala people (Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá 2016:2). These divergent identities result from different historical interactions between these groups and the Igala people of the Kogi State (Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá 2016)[1].

The Igala territory in Kogi State of Nigeria lies east of the state, and the people are in nine Local Government Areas, out of the sixteen in the state. The Igala Local Governments are Ankpa, Bassa, Dekina, Ibaji, Idah, Igalamela/Odolu, Ofu, Olamaboro and Omala. (Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá 2016)[1].

Spoken by approximately 2,000,000 people (Etu 1999 and Omachonu 2000), Igala is one of the nine main languages in Nigeria (Williamson 1990). The name Igala refers to the people as well as their language (Boston 1968, Williamson 1989b, Ukwedeh 1989 and Etu 1999). The Igala language belongs to the New Benue-Congo branch within the Niger-Congo phylum. It is coordinate with such languages as Yoruba, Itsekiri, Igbo, and Idoma. (Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá 2016)[1].

The Pear Story

The Pear Story is a six-minute film that was produced at the University of California at Berkeley in 1975 and shown to speakers of a number of languages, who were asked to tell what happened in it. In the meantime it has been used in a variety of other studies across other languages. The goal has been to present cinematically a series of more or less natural events to multiple viewers, who are then asked to verbalize what they remember. (UCSB Linguistics) [1].

Dorcas Otu, a native (first language) speaker of Igala, recorded herself telling the pear story. The Winter 2021 Field Methods class, transcribed the story based on Dorcas's recording [2].

Phonology

The phonology of Igala consists of a mid sized inventory of consonants and vowels. Igala is a tonal language. (Main page: Tone)

Phonological Inventory

Consonants

The consonants in Igala are given below.

Igala Consonant Phonemes
  Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Postalveolar Palatal Velar Co-articulated velar labial Glottal
Plosive p b t d       k g    
Nasal m   n   ɲ ŋ    
Fricative               h
Affricate       tʃ dʒ        
Approximant w   ɹ tʃ dʒ j      
Lateral Approximant     l          

Vowels

According to Ejeba (2016), there are seven vowels in Igala. [1] The vowels in Igala are given below.

Igala Vowel Phonemes
  Front Central Back
High i   u
Mid ɛ e   o ɔ
Low a    


Phonotactics

Syllables in Igala are in the form V, VC, or CVC. The maximal syllable in Igala is CVC.[1]

There are distributional restrictions on where each syllable can appear. CVC can only occur in isolated form. CV can occur word-initially, word-medially, word-finally, or in isolated form. V can occur in all cases except for word medially.

Vowel Hiatus
Vowel Deletion

Often, when one word is vowel-final and the next is vowel-initial the final vowel of the first word will be deleted (as shown below).

álādì t(a) ídò f(i) āgārā kpà
aladi dance(V) dance(N) PERF1 spider kill
‘Aladi danced and killed a spider.’

Tone

Main page: Tone

There are four level tones (Low (à), Mid (ā), High (á), and Super High (a̋)) and two contour tones (Falling (ǎ) and Rising (â)).

In Igala, tones are involved in morphological processes.

Morphology

Igala is a dominantly isolating language, thus the languages does not make use of derivational or inflectional affixation.

Nouns in Igala end with a vowel.

Nouns

Main page: Noun Phrases

Plural Nouns

In Igala, the morpheme àma pluralizes an animate noun. An example of noun pluralization in Igala is shown below.

ū tʃě n(ɛ) ám(a) ēwú
1SG do have PL goat
‘I have goats’ (D:4).
Nominalization

In Igala, nominalization occurs with the addition either the morpheme ɛ/e or the morpheme a, as shown in the examples below.

In this example, ido ta alone means 'to dance,' while the additional of the morpheme e gives the nominal meaning 'dancing' to the word.

ido e ta tʃe ɛŋʷu ɔla mi
dance(N) NMLZ dance(V) do thing body 1SG.OBJ
‘Dancing is my favorite thing (to do)' (D:193).
é n(ɛ) ɔ́bē álādì n(ɛ) ɔ́bē kp(a) ādʒūwɛ̄ lɛ̀
NMLZ use alado use knife kill chicken DEF.DIST
‘It was the use of knife that aladi used knife to kill the chicken’

Reduplication

imɔtɔ onɛkɛlɛ rulɛ ti itʃekbulu
young boy DEF.DIST run(V) run(N) to school slowly slowly slowly slowly
‘The young boy ran to school very slowly’ (D:10).

Numbers

The morpheme m.

Syntax

Igala is a largely head-initial language. The basic word order of Igala is SVO (subject verb object).

Verb Phrases

Main page: Verb Phrases

Igala has multiple verb phrase constructions, such as serial verb constructions, split verbs, and cognate objects.

Focus and Topicalization

Verbal Elements

Main page: Verbal Elements

Cognate Objects

COs are true arguments of their predicate

This is shown by runing tests on the distinction between adjuncts and arguments. One of these tests is the ’do so test’ It shows that in an example like (1), the noun ’dance’ is an argument of the verb ’dance’ because ’do so’ functions as a proform for V’: “when do so is used as a substitute, it must stand for the verb and all its arguments”, (Macfarland 1995:104).

  1. Examples

(1)

(1a)

ū t(a) ídō (u)jɔ̀ ókō úbī ǒchálà ŋʷɔ̀ tʃ(e) ǎlɛ̄
1SG dance(V) dance(N) cheerful farm back my Ochala and do so/same again
'I danced a cheerful dance in my garden and Ochala did so too.'

(1b)

*u t(a) ído (u)jɔ oko ubi mi Ochala ŋʷɔ tʃ(e) alɛ ɛdo dudu/ɛdo ɛkpabjɛ
1SG dance(V) dance(N) cheerful farm back my Ochala and do so/same sad
Intended: I danced a cheerful dance in the garden and Ochala did so a sad dance.

COs can be modified, including in relative clauses

(2)

u t(a) ido k(i) a tʃ(e) ujɔ
1SG dance(V) dance(N) C IMPF COP1 cheerful/joy
‘I danced a cheerful dance’

COs in Igala only occur with unergative verbs, and not with unaccusatives

fV marker

  1. it shows up only with transitive verbs;
    1. it has a meaning similar to perfective;
    2. it is incompatible with negation;
    3. it is incompatible with A′
      1. extraction of any kind (questions, relative clauses);
    4. it is in complementary distribution with another marker, mV.

Complete situation

The morpheme fV has a perfective meaning and is used to decribe complete situations. It cannot be used to describe ongoing or habitual situations.

(3)

ù f(i) òdʒ(e) àba̋tʃà (mɛ̄)
1SG PERF1 morsel cassava cook (already)
'I have cooked mashed cassava.'
*I cooked mashed cassava just now.
*I cooked mashed cassava (habitual).
*I am cooking mashed cassava.

Word order with fV

One of the most recognizable properties of fV is its influence on word order. The surface word order in Igala is SVO, including with the progressive and the imperfective markers. However, in the presence of fV, this is modified. This morpheme appears to surface in the usual verb slot, while the matrix verb appears sentence-finally.

(4a)

ù òdʒ(e) à↑ba̋tʃà
1SG cook morsel cassava
I cooked mashed cassava.'

(4b)

ù f(i) òdʒ(e) àba̋tʃà
1SG PERF1 morsel cassava cook
'I have cooked mashed cassava.'

(5a)

ú ǒhìmìnì
1SG see ocean
'I saw the ocean'

(5b)

ù f(i) òhìmìnì
1SG PERF1 ocean see
'I have seen the ocean'

About fV and the splitting verbs

When the verb is split, the first part of the verb is before the object and second part is after the object, including with the progressive and imperfective aspectual markers.

(6b)

ù kpɔ̄ (ɔ)nà lɛ́ fɔ̄
1SG break- door DEF.DIST -break
'I broke the door.'

(6b)

Ǒtʃálā k(ɔ) ēlā lɛ́ da
Ochala cut- meat DEF.DIST -cut
'Ochala cut the meat.

(7a)

otʃala a d(u) ɔbɛ k(ɔ) ela da
Ochala IPFV take knife cut- meat DEF.DIST -cut
'Ochala will take the knife and cut the meat.'


(7b)

otʃala na d(u) ɔbɛ k(ɔ) ela da
Ochala PROG take knife cut- meat DEF.DIST -cut
'Ochala was cutting the meat with a knife.'

When f(i) is added to a sentence with a split verb, the word order seems to become SOV.

(8a)

ū f(i) ɔ̌nâ lɛ̄ kpɔ̀ fɔ̄
1SG PERF1 door DEF.DIST break- -break
'I have broken the door.'

(8b)

Ǒtʃálā f(i) ela da
Ochala PERF1 meat DEF.DIST cut- -cut
'Ochala has cut the meat.'

mV marker

In complementary distribution with fV (under unknown conditions - might have something to do with unaccusative/unergative distinction and/or thematic roles).

(9)

ù m(u) (*f(i)) őgìgò tíŋɔ̂
1SG ? (*PERF1) glasses my take lost
I have lost my glasses.'

tʃɛ/tʃe

The morphemes tʃɛ and tʃe appear as verbal elements in Igala. tʃɛ adds the meaning that something has already been done to a sentence.

ū gbɔ̋ kàkīnī ɛ̀ tʃɛ̀ mɛ̂
1SG hear C 2SG already come now
‘I heard that you have already come' (D:225).

The morpheme tʃe is a copular element translated as do/does.

ido e ta tʃe ɛŋʷu ɔla mi
dance(N) NMLZ dance(V) do thing body 1SG.OBJ
‘Dancing is my favorite thing (to do)' (D:193).

In certain cases tʃ(e) seems to note additional emphasis in a situation.

i tʃe uwɛ dʒɛ ɔda i n :
3SG.NEG do.EMPH 2SG.STR eat pear DEF.DIST EMPH NEG.SFP ?
‘Are you not the one who ate the pear?’(D:?).

Noun Phrases

Main page: Noun Phrases

Noun phrases in Igala are left-headed (??).

Determiners

In Igala, acts as a determiner. seems to have a similar meaning to English's 'the' or 'that.' is a definite article, not a demonstrative.

An example of

ɔnɛkɛlɛ imoto
man DEF.DIST drive car
‘The man drove a car.’

In Igala, ji is a definite article. ji is a definite article. It is a proximal (??)

An example of ji.

tʃɔ́tʃì
church this
‘This church.’

The determiner follows the head noun:

ɔ̋nɛ́kɛ̄lɛ́ l(ɛ) f(a) ītébùlù lɛ́ ī:
man DEF.DIST IPFV pull table DEF.DIST EMPH
What does this sentence mean?

Personal Pronouns

The citation forms of Igala personal pronouns are on initial low and final mid tones for subjects/objects, and on initial rising and final mid tones for genitive pronouns. In discourse reference however, cliticized forms of the subject, object and genitive pronouns are used. The genitive pronouns are formed from the sequence of the genitive clitic and any of the pronominal genitive clitics – ordered as genitive Clitic+ Pronominal genitive clitic combination. (Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá 2016)[1].

Personal Pronouns
Person Number Personal Pronouns Gloss Subject Clitics Gloss Object Clitics Gloss
1st Singular, Plural omi, awa 'I/me', 'we/us' u, a 'I', 'we' mi, wa 'me', 'us'
2nd Singular, Plural uwɛ, amɛ 'you(sg)', 'you(pl)' ɛ, mɛ 'you(sg)', 'you(pl)' ɛ, mɛ 'you(sg)', 'you(pl)'
3rd Singular, Plural oŋʷu, ama 'she/he/it/her/him', 'they/them' i, ma 'she/he/it', 'they' U, ma 'she/he/it'/'them'
Non-Person Non-Number ~ ~ V ~ ~ ~

Possessives

Possession is not morphologically marked (although may be marked tonally?).

Adjectives and Adverbs

The morphemes and in Igala pattern as adverbs.

The morpheme patterns as an adverb meaning now or already depending on the context.

An example of with the meaning 'now.'

ma wa
3PL come now
‘They are now coming.’

An example of with the meaning 'already.'

ū gbɔ̋ kàkīnī ɛ̀ tʃɛ̀ mɛ̂
1SG hear C 2SG already come already
‘I heard that you have already come.’

The morpheme patterns as an adverb in Igala meaning 'again.'

An example of .

a dabi ta ido
1PL turn.back dance(V) dance(N) again
‘We danced again.’

Sentence-Final Particles

As described in Simpson, sentence final particles are “phonologically small elements, most frequently monosyllabic, which typically (and in most instances must) occur in final position.” Prior studies of the structural position of SFPs in Mandarin, Vietnamese, and Niger-Congo languages have observed SFPs are head-final elements sentence-finally in otherwise head-initial languages (Paul). This observation challenges the Final-over-Final constraint, first proposed by Holmberg in the year 2000. The FOFC states that a head-initial XP cannot be dominated by a head-final VP.

Negation

Example of Negation:

ű h(i) ɔ̀dʒ(e) àbátʃà ŋ̌
1SG cook morsel cassava NEG
‘I didn't cook mashed cassava’ (D:734).

Questions

Final Lengthening

The lengthening of a sentence final segment seems to be related to question formation in Igala. Most commonly, the final segment is either a vowel or the negational morpheme n.

(1) Sentence with out final lengthening.

ɛ̄ dʒ(ɛ) ɔ̄dā ɔ̀nálɛ́
2SG eat pear yesterday
‘You ate a pear yesterday.'

(2) Sentence with final lengthening.

ɛ̄ dʒ(ɛ) ɔ̄dā ɔ̀nálɛ́ :
2SG eat pear yesterday ?
‘Did you eat a pear yesterday?'

Numerical System

The Igala language utilizes a base-20 multiplicative system that also includes functions of subtraction and addition. The system has separate morphemes for numerals one to nine, as well as for ten ɛ̀gʷá, twenty ógʷú, fifty ódʒe, and two hundred ɔgwɔkɔ (Ejeba, 2016, p. 105; Otu, personal communication, 2021). For numerals eleven to nineteen, the form is ‘ten’ followed by a number from one through nine (Savkovic 2021).

ɛ̀gʷá ɛ̀lá
ten nine
'nineteen' (from Ejeba, 2016, p. 103).

The rest of the numbers are created using multiplication, addition, and/or subtraction. Igala employs “grouping” numbers for 20 ɔ̀gbɔ̀ and 50 ólí, that are separate from the words listed above, to make larger numbers through multiplication (Savkovic 2021).

ɔ̀gbɔ̀ m ɛ́gʷá ɛ̀là
twenty MULT ten nine
'380' (from Ejeba, 2016, p. 105).

Savkovic (2021) argues that I argue that the morpheme m acts a multiplier between a noun phrase or a grouping number and a digit between two and nineteen. Additionally, she argues for a syntactic structure that includes m in a functional projection, mP, with NPs on either side as its complements.

àm(a) ōlí m ɛ́tà
PL tree MULT three
'three trees' (D: 386).

Inflection

Aspect

The morpheme a indicates imperfective aspect.

ēlì lɛ̄ ā tʃè ôlū
song DEF.DIST IPFV do 1SG.OBJ sleep(N)
‘The song is making me sleepy.’

The morpheme na indicates that an action is in progress.

ábʲá lɛ̄
dog DEF.DIST PROG bark
‘The dog was barking.’

The morpheme ɲa has a similar meaning to 'go' in English. The morpheme indicates that an event/action will occur in the future.

ɛ̌ ɲá kpɔ̄ ɔnà lɛ́ fɔ̄ ɔ̀nâ
2SG.IPFV go break door DEF.DIST break tomorrow
‘You will break the door tomorrow.’

References

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 Ẹ̀jẹ̀bá, S. O. (2017). A grammar of Igala (Vol. 7). M & J Grand Orbit Communications.